Table of contents introductio

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Byzantium Matures. Choices, Sensitivities, and Modes of Expression (Eleventh to the Fifteenth Centuries), ed. Christine Angelidi (Athens: Institute for the Byzantine Research, 2004), 287-298 .

137 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 187 (tr. Magoulias, 106). Unfortunately, on this topic, many scholars, beginning with Ferdinand Chalandon and finishing with John Haldon, believed Choniates without any reservation, Chalandon, Les Comnène, 512; J. Haldon, The Byzantine Wars, 143.

138 The idea about the “Turcoman danger” threatening the sultan was first expressed by Uspenskiy, but somehow remained unnoticed by the following generations of scholars. Uspenskiy, History, 281.

139 Nicetas , using complex Bible quotations states, that organizer of peace was Hasan Ibn Gabras, Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel, 6, 188, lines 10-15, (tr. Magoulias, 106).

140 Choniates, Historia, ibid.

141Epistola, (ed. Stubbs, 104, lines 25: “…suscepit Soltani deprecationem…” (Vasilyev, 239).

142 Michael the Syrian, Chron.icle, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 20.5, 371; Lamma, Comneni e Staufer, 279 .

143 Choniates, Historia,Manuel 6 (ed. Van Dieten, 186, lines 27-28): “Ἐπεὶ δὲ νὺξ ἐπῆλθε καὶ σκότος ἡμέρας διάδοχον τὸν πόλεμον ἔπαυσεν” (tr. Magoulias, 105)


145 Choniates, Historia, Manuel 6 (ed. Van Dieten, 189, lines 3-5): “ἐκ δὲ τούτου ὁ Μακροδούκας Κωνσταντῖνος τὴν ὑπ’ αὐτὸν ἐξάγει στρατιὰν ἐκ τῶν ἑῴων στρατολογουμένην ταγμάτων.”

146 Manuel describes the treaty in one sentence, while Michael the Syrian completely omits the whole episode, making the final document a result of the night negotiations. A. Vasilyev, “Manuel Comnenus,” 237-244; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 20.5, 371-372.

147 Anna Comnena, Alexiade 15.6, tr. by E.A. Dawis as available at AnnaComnena-Alexiad00.html#BOOK%20XV (last accessed 21.01.2007).

148 D. Sourdel, “Robes of Honor in Abbasid Baghdad during the Eighth to Eleventh centuries,” tr. D. M. Sa’adah, in Robes of Honor. The Medieval World of Investiture, ed. Stewart Gordon (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 138-143.

149 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 16.6, 237.

150Michael the Syrian speaks only about the conditions accepted by the Byzantines, see Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, 20.5 (ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 372): “L’empereur abandonna au sultan les villes qu’il avait rebâties”.

151 Kresten, “Anredestreit“, 107-110. This was not the end of the relations between Kilic Arslan and Barbarossa; at least two embassies were exchanged, in 1177 and 1180, see M. Albert, Annales Stadenses s.a. 1179, ed. MGH SS Scriptores, vol. 16, G. H. Pert ed. (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Avlici Hahniani, 1858), 349.

152 This was noted in many sources, including two European annals, see Romolad of Salerno, Annales Romoaldi, s.a. 1175 [a mistake of the editor –it is 1176] MGH SS Scriptores, vol.19, ed. W. Arndt (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Avlici Hahniani, 1866), 442; Roberti de Monte Cronica, s.a. 1178. MGH SS Scriptores, vol. 6, ed. D. L. C. Bethmann (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Avlici Hahniani, 1844), 527.

153 About the direct losses in battle, see Chalandon, Les Comnène, 513; John Haldon, however, has a different opinion about the numbers and considers them “insignificant,” John Haldon, The Byzantine Wars, 143. For a balanced opinion about the influence of the results of the battle on the short perspective of the confrontation see Birknemyer, Komnenian Army, 134.

154 M. Bartusis, The Late Byzantine Army: Arms and Society, 1204-1453 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992), 6; Brand, Byzantium, 16.

155 Lamma, Comneni e Staufer, 281; Lilie, Byzantium, 214;

156 The indirect consequences are one of the main points of attention for R.-J. Lilie; see “Die Schlacht,” 272-274.

157 Choniates,Historia, ed. 193-195 (Magoulias 109-110); A .F. Stone “Manuel I Komnenos, the Maiandros Campaigns of 1177-8 and Thessaloniki,” Balkan Studies 38 (1997): 21-29 (hereafter: A. F. Stone, “Manuel I Komnenos”).

158 For the Claudiopolis campaign see P. Wirth “Die Chronologie der Schlacht um Claudiopolis im Lichte bischer unbeachteter Quellen,” BZ 50 (1957): 68-74.

159 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 20.5,372.

160 William of Tyre, History, 21: 11, lines 15-21.

161 Choniates, Historia , ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 193, lines 2-4, (tr. Magoulias,108).

162 See A. F. Stone, “Manuel I Komnenos.”  

163 Following Kapp-Herr, Kresten argued that the one phrase in the part of Liber Pontificalis dedicated to Alexander III may be direct evidence of the presence of such information letter, see Kresten, “Anredestreit,” 79 footnote 58.

164 M. Albert, Annales Stadenses, in MGH SS Scriptores, vol. 16, ed. I. Lappenberg (Hannover: Impensis Bibliopolii Aulici Hahniani, 1858), 442.

165 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 20.5, 372.

166 see Kresten, “Anredestreit.”

167 See F.Hartog, The Mirror of Herodotus.

168 Kinnamos, Epitoma, ed. Meineke, 4.22, 192, lines 12-22, (tr. Brand, 146-147).

169 Kinnamos, Epitoma, ed. Meineke, 5.3, 206-207, (tr. Brand, 157)

170 See his characterization of the Manuel during the Ikonian expedition of 1146. Kinnamos, Epitoma, ed. Meineke, 2.7, 51-52, (tr. Brand, 48).

171 About naming the Other in twelfth-century historical literature, see A. Kazhdan and A. W. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), 168.

172 H. Ahrweiler, “Byzantine Concepts of the Foreigner: The Case of the Nomads” in Studies of the International Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire, ed. H. Ahrweiler and A. E. Laiou (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1998), 11 (hereafter: Ahrweiler, “Concepts of the Foreigner”).

173 The latter term is present in Procopius of Kaisareia, whose work Kinnamos probably used as a model. See for example Procopius, History of the Wars, vol.1, tr. H. B. Delwig (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992 ) 150-151.

174 Kinnamos, Epitoma, see above p. 53

175 Dölger and Karayannopulos, Byzantinische Urkundenlehre, 90-93.

176 I have to add a reminder here that the text was found in the work of an English chronicler. I argued in chapter 1 that the text saved by Roger was probably a Latin translation of the Greek letter.

177 Epistola, ed. Stubbs, 102, lines 10-16, 29 (Vasilyev, 237,238).

178 S. Louuchitskaya, The Image of Other, 179-180.

179 Epistola, ed. Stubbs, 104, lines 25-26 : “…suscepit Soldani deprecationem et foedera et juramneta peracta sub vexillis nostris, et pacem suam ei dedit”.

180 Ahrweiler, “Concepts of the Foreigner,” 4.

181[A. Kazhdan] А. Каждан,“Никита Хониат в Византийской литературе” (Nicetas Choniates in Byzantine literature), 325.

182 Kazhdan, ibid.,

183 Magdalino, The Empire, 13-15.

184 Chalandon, Les Comnène, 508.

185 Ljubarskij,” Manuel I,”108-109.

186 In his short account of the battle Magdalino does not give Choniates even a footnote, Magdalino, The Empire, 96-97.

187 Kazhdan, “Nicetas Choniates in Byzantine literature,” 389; Choniates, O city of Byzantium, xvi-xvii.


189Kazhdan, “Choniates in Byzantine Literature,” 304.

190 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Alexios Ang. 2, 529, (tr. Magoulias 290).

191 Choniates, Historia, ed.Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 192, lines 7-11 ( Magoulias,108). This is a direct quotation from Herodotus, see Herodotus, Historia, tr. G. Rawlinson (New York: 1945), 6.86 at (last accessed 30.04.2007).

192 About Kaiserkritik in Choniates in general see Paul Magdalino, “Aspects of twelfth-century Byzantine Kaiserkritik,Speculum 58, No. 2 (1983): 326-346 (henceforth: Magdalino, Kaiserkritik).

193 Theophanes the Confessor, The Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor:Byzantine and Near Eastern History, A.D. 284-813, tr. C. Mango and R. Scott (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 672-675.

35 Michael Psellus, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers: The Chronographia of Michael Psellus, tr. E.R.A. Sewter (London: Penguin Books, 1966), 354-356. For a more detailed comparison of the image systems of Choniates and Psellos see Ljubarskij, “Manuel I,” 105-106.


195 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 179, line 19-21, (tr. Magoulias, 101).

196 This is the first and the last time Choniates speaks about Manuel’s greed. Ljubarskij was the first to point out that this is a topos. I might add that this is not a simple topos, but probably a borrowing from Theophanes the Confessor, Ljubarskij, “Manuel I,” 108 .

197 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 175,lines 18-20 (tr. Magoulias, 99).

198Kazhdan, “Nicetas Choniates in Byzantine literature,” 312.

199 Choniates, Historia, Manuel 6, ed. Van Dieten, 181, line 29: “ἵππος καὶ ἀναβάτης ὁμοῦ κατεβέβληντο” (tr. Magoulias, 102).

200 The Bible quotations are given from the King James Bible, Exod. 15:1.

201 Choniates, O City, ibid.

202 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 183, lines 25-30, (tr. Magoulias, 103).

203 Exod. 10:2.

204 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 187, lines 20-29, (tr. Magoulias, 106).

205 Magdalino states that Choniates depicts a “typical emperor” in the face of Manuel, see Magdalino, “Kaiserkritik,” 327.

206 Still, in most cases the Will of the Lord is the Will for Punishment Kazhdan, Nicetas Choniates, 237.

207Choniates, Historia, Manuel 6, ed. Van Dieten, 186, lines 2-3: “διαπρυσίοις φωναῖς” (Magoulias, 105).

208 Choniates, Historia, Manuel 6, ed. Van Dieten, 183, lines 3: “διειληφυίαςἐξώλισθε φάλαγγος.” Magoulias speaks here about an “iron grip,” but I did not find the word “iron” in the phrase. See Magoulias, 103.

209 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 185, lines 16-20, (tr. Magoulias, 104).

210 Hartog, The Mirror of the Other,230-237.

211 Greed is the main negative feature of Choniates’ Latins. See Kazhdan, “Nicetas Choniates in Byzantine literature,” 303.

212 About food and sex see Kazhdan, “Nicetas Choniates and his time,” 135-141.

213 H. Ahrweiler, “The Concept of the Foreigner,” 11.

214 Choniates, Historia, Manuel 6, ed. Van Dieten ,188, line 4: “ὁ μὴ τὴν ῥάβδον τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν ἐπὶ τὸν κλῆρον τῶν δικαίων ἐῶν,” (tr. Magoulias, 106).

215 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 190, lines 9-12, (tr. Magoulias, 107)

216 Kazhdan, “Nicetas Choniates, 293-294.

217 [A. Kazhdan] А. Каждан. “Корабль в бурном море.” К вопросу о соотношении образной системы и исторических взглядов двух византийских писателей. (“The ship in the rough sea.” On the question of correlating the systems of images and historical views of two Byzantine authors) in [A. Kazhdan] А.Каждан. Никита Хониат и его время (Nicetas Choniates and his time (Saint Petersburg: Dimitriy Bulanin, 2005), 365.

218 Aeschylus, Persians, tr. H. W. Smyth, (Harvard University Press, 1926): 87-92 at http://www.perseus. (last Accessed 21.04.2007). The latter variant is taken from the work of B. Isaac, who used a different translation but does not give the exact data of the source, see Isaac, The Invention, 275.

219 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 3, 123, lines 22-23 (tr. Magoulias, 70). This expression is a clear allusion to the above-mentioned passage of Aeschylus.

220 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 190, lines 19-25, (tr. Magoulias, 107).

221 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 183, lines 14-16 (tr. Magoulias, 103). Kazhdan argues that this quotation is a good example of Byzantine irony in Nicetas Choniates, ibid.. Jakob Ljubarskij also speaks of Byzantine irony, but did not discuss this case, see Ljubarskij,” Manuel I,”108-109.

222 Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 6, 188, lines 8-10, (tr. Magoulias, 106) .

223.Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 3, 123, lines 15-20, (tr. Magoulias, 70).

224 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed. Chabot, vol.3, 20.5, 370-372.

225 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 20.5, 272

226 Michael The Syrian, Chronicle, 20.5, ed. Chabot, 270: “les Turcomans…innombrables comme la sauterelle.”

227 Michael The Syrian, Chronicle, 20.5, ed. Chabot, 270: “Quand l’empereur des Grecs Manuel, apprit que son neveu avait été tué a la porte de Neocesaree, il partit en colère pour venir tirer vengeance des Turcs. ”

228 Michael The Syrian, Chronicle, 20.5, ed. Chabot, 271: “Quand l’empereur et son armée apprirent que leur richesses étaient perdues et que la nourriture… avait été enlevée, ils firent saisis d’une grand terreur ”

229Gusseynov, R. A “From the history of the relations between Byzantium and Seljuks,” 165.

230 A short version of the story can be found in the abridged version of the work of Ibn-Bibi, translated into German by Herbert Duda. Luckily enough, a Russian Byzantinist and Orientalist of the nineteenth century, Platon Melioranskij, translated the part of the Ottoman translation of the full chronicle dedicated to the visit of Kay-Khusraw into Constantinople, see Die Seltschuckengeschichte des Ibn Bibi, tr. H. Duda (Copenhagen Muksgaard, 1959), 29; [P. Melioranskij] П. Мелиоранский, “Сельджук-наме как источник для истории Византии в XII-XIII вв.” (The Seljuk-name as a source for the history of twelfth-thirteenth century Byzantium), VV 1 (1894): 617,620 (hereafter: Melioranski, “Seljuk-name”).

231Danishmend-Name, tr. E. Melikoff, (Paris: Masoneufe, 1966), 277 (hereafter: Danishmend-Name, tr. E. Melikoff).

232 Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, 20.5, ed. Chabot, vol. 3, 372:”L empereur de retour à Constantinople envoya beaucoup d’or au sultan et recupera la croix dans laquelle était le bois de la crucifixition.”

233 Melioranski, “Seljuk-name,”620.

234 This episode is probably a distant echo of the real event. In 1161 Manuel Komnenos presented to Kilic Arslan II a huge number of silver beakers and golden vessels, see Choniates, Historia, ed. Van Dieten, Manuel 3, 120, 31 (tr. Magoulias, 68) .

235 Danishmend-Name, tr. E. Melikoff, 253.

236 Ahrweiler, “Concept of the foreigner”, ibid.

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