Section: Page 22, Column 5

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New York Times
May 28, 1980, Wednesday
SECTION: Page 22, Column 5

HEADLINE : Anderson Carter’s Lot


To the Editor:

A recent report noting that Ronald Reagan's field director has resigned speculates about the reasons for the abrupt change in campaign personnel.
It seems clear to me that the former field director, Anderson Carter, probably left because his name, Anderson Carter, combined the surnames of Mr. Reagan’s two opponents for the Presidency. Through no fault of his own, Anderson Carter obviously was an embarrassment to the Reagan campaign.

Rockaway Park, N.Y, May 23, 1980

New York Times
July 29, 1980
HEADLINE: Passengers for Sale

To the Editor:

Unscrupulous people always take advantage of any new government regulation. Now that Mayor Koch has announced a ban, to begin Sept. 22, on single-passenger cars crossing the East River bridges during rush hours, how long will it be before some enterprising profiteer begins selling inflatable life-size dummies to lone motorists about to enter Manhattan from Brooklyn or Queens?
How will the police check for phony, non-human passengergs? A breathalyzer test to see if they’re breathing? And when government interference in our lives goes this far, who are the real dummies?

Rockaway Park, N.Y., July 24, 1980

The New York Times

May 3, 1981, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section 7; Page 43, Column 3; Book Review Desk
HEADLINE: Mass Sensibility

To the Editor:

In his review of Michael Arlen's ''The Camera Age'' (April 12), Robert

Brustein supposes that the literary sensibility and the mass sensibility never

meet in today's world. He poses the question, ''How many readers of this review can actually identify the lead actresses in 'Laverne and Shirley,' or the host of 'The Price is Right,' or the central characters in 'Dynasty' -names that are bywords to millions of fellow Americans?''
In the interest of healing the great American cultural schism, we thought

we'd answer Mr. Brustein's questions: (1) Penny Marshall and Cindy Williams; (2) Bob Barker (formerly Bill Cullen); (3) Denver oil tycoon Blake Carrington, his unfaithful wife, homosexual son and nymphomaniac daughter.

These were easy. Can we come back next week and try for more prizes?

The New York Times

August 2, 1987, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
SECTION: Section 6; Page 8, Column 3; Magazine Desk
LENGTH: 201 words

Dena Kleiman may have understated how the possibility of a false positive

result may affect a person who was not counseled to the extent that she was. A friend of mine, someone, like Ms. Kleiman, who had no reason to think she had been infected, was plunged into a profound depression when her first test result came back positive and she was warned never to have children and to inform previous sexual partners of the result. My friend didn't dare believe the second AIDS test result, which was negative. She has taken the AIDS test a third and fourth time (with both results negative) yet has become convinced -neurotically, she admits, but also helplessly - that she still may be infected with the virus.
If this can be the outcome of a false positive result, it's obvious that

those who truly test positive for AIDS need the kind of counseling programs the Reagan Administration, in its zeal to introduce mandatory antibody testing, seems unwilling to provide. Four suicides in the Miami area have been linked to positive results for the AIDS antibody test in recent months, and I wonder how many others are suffering the same kind of emotional agony.


New York, N.Y.

The New York Times
December 27, 1994, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 20; Column 3; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Senate Would Bar Longer House Term
To the Editor:
Peter H. Kaskell sensibly suggests a constitutional amendment extending the term of House members to four years (letter, Dec. 18). President Lyndon B. Johnson tried to implement such a plan, but ran into the same opposition likely to scuttle any four-year House term today.
Senators, with their six-year terms, can be confident they will not be

challenged for renomination or re-election by House colleagues unless the

House members give up their seats. If House terms were extended to four years, senators would face opposition from members who would know that even if they lost, they would still hold onto their seats for two more years.
Congressional term limits might make it even more likely that a House member halfway through his or her last term would have nothing to lose by taking on an incumbent senator. If the House member beat the senator, he or she would be assured of six more years in Congress; losing the Senate race, the House member could still finish out the term's remaining two years.
The only way to make it in the Senate's interest to extend the term of its

lower-chamber colleagues would be to link this proposal to a Federal

resign-to-run law, similar to the one we have in Florida, where elected

officials must give up their posts if they want to run for other offices.


Gainesville, Fla., Dec. 21, 1994

The New York Times
July 28, 1995, Friday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 26; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: We Won't Get Far Without Affirmative Action

To the Editor:

I agree with Andrew Sullivan's contention in "Let Affirmative Action Die"

(Op-Ed, July 23) that the huge discrepancy between the scores of black and white candidates for admission to law schools is a result of the neglect of public education in the inner cities and not due to systemic racism on the part of law schools.

Mr. Sullivan is undoubtedly correct that the fundamental solution lies in

tackling serious social problems, not in affirmative action policies. But even

in a time of liberal ascendancy, such solutions would take years to produce

What are those who have been hobbled by what Jonathan Kozol has called

"savage inequalities" supposed to do in the meantime?
Mr. Sullivan cites the University of Texas Law School, which would have

admitted only nine black applicants to its 1992 entering class of 500 students

on test scores alone. The other black students Texas admitted got in under a

standard different from that of white applicants.

Yet I'm willing to bet that nearly all of the black students admitted in 1992

graduated three years later, and most will go on to successful legal careers. I

don't see how locking out such students while we wait for the day when social and educational inequities are abolished will benefit a racially diverse

As a white male who last year graduated from a state law school that has made a serious effort to attract minority students, I feel I have benefited from affirmative action. Having a substantial number of nonwhite classmates and professors who could supply a different perspective from my own greatly enhanced my legal education.

Test scores should not always be the sole criteria for law school admission.

My test scores would not have qualified me for admission to law school at the University of Florida, but I got in based on other factors -- such as experience in the business world, academia or the military -- under which a number of other white males were also admitted.


Gainesville, Fla., July 23, 1995

The writer is with the Center for Governmental Responsibility, University of

Florida College of Law.

The New York Times
October 11, 1995, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 22; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: 'My Husband Pays for His White House'

To the Editor:

In "Grouse Under Pressure: The White House Was No Picnic" (Week in Review, Oct. 8), on the complaints Presidents have made about their high office, A. E. Hotchner notes that James Monroe let his wife do the complaining and quoted Elizabeth Cortright Monroe as saying:
"My husband pays dear for his White House. It has cost him all his peace and the best of his manly attributes."
This quotation mimics almost exactly two sentences at the beginning of the 11th paragraph of Ralph Waldo Emerson's essay "Compensation":
"The farmer imagines power and place are fine things. But the President has paid dear for his White House. It has commonly cost him all his peace, and the best of his manly attributes."
Emerson's "Compensation" was published with his first series of essays in

1841. Since Mrs. Monroe's statement sounds contemporaneous with her husband's terms in the Presidency, which ended in 1825, it is likely that Emerson read the First Lady's remarks, jotted them down in his journal or committed them to memory and years later reused the lines when he wrote his classic essay.


Gainesville, Fla., Oct. 8, 1995

The writer is staff attorney, Center for Governmental Responsibility, U. of

Florida College of Law.

GRAPHIC: Drawing

The New York Times

June 29, 1996, Saturday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section 1; Page 18; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Why Concede Florida Seats to Republicans?

To the Editor:

A June 25 news article quotes Jo Miglino, the Florida Democratic Party

spokeswoman, explaining why the party offered no opposition to two House

Republicans from Miami, as saying, "Why stir up the Hispanic community?"
Ms. Miglino suggested that running Democratic candidates against

Representatives Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and Lincoln Diaz-Balart would bring out more Hispanic voters not only to support these incumbents but also to vote Republican "down the line."

Most Florida Hispanic voters are Republicans. But most of the state's black voters are Democrats -- yet this did not stop Republican candidates from opposing Florida's three African-American representatives, popular incumbents who will no doubt bring out voters who will vote Democratic "down the line."
One reason no Democrats stepped forward to run in the two Miami districts is that to appear on the ballot, a candidate for Congress in Florida must pay the highest filing fee in the nation, $10,020.
There is no fee for write-in candidates. Although such candidates usually

receive only a few votes, another write-in and I filed to run against these two

incumbents. That way, at least, their names will be on the ballot. In 1994 they were automatically elected, and their names weren't even on the ballot.
Florida's Democrats might find that they would garner more respect in the

Hispanic community if they did not give the Republican incumbents a free ride. Many of Miami's voters have fled a dictatorship where electoral contests were a sham and their outcome a foregone conclusion.


Gainesville, Fla., June 25, 1996

The writer is a staff attorney, Center for Governmental Responsibility, U. of

Florida College of Law.

The New York Times
August 6, 1996, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 16; Column 5; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Bilingual Americans Serve Global Markets

To the Editor:

The House's approval of a bill that would make English the official language of the United States (news article, Aug. 2) is not only mean-spirited and divisive, it is also unnecessary. There is no danger of Americans being segregated into linguistic ghettos. Indeed, the cultural pressure to learn

English is so strong that it may end up hurting American business.

With Latin American trade the bulwark of a strong economy in Miami, most local business leaders believe South Florida's future growth requires more bilingual employees. Yet according to a recent study by Sandra Fradd of the University of Miami, young Hispanic Americans are leaving school with such insufficient Spanish-language skills that Miami's role as an international marketplace is at risk.
Despite a Hispanic majority in Dade County, fewer than 2 percent of its

recent high school graduates are fluent in Spanish. Most second-generation

Hispanic children who grow up with Spanish as their first language at home lose fluency after starting school, even with bilingual education.
Hispanic children in Florida often grow up speaking "Spanglish," picked up from parents and relatives. While they may get by conversationally, they are ill equipped for the bilingual job market, where high levels of literacy are


Professor Fradd's study, commissioned by the local Chamber of Commerce, concluded that the only thing keeping Spanish alive in South Florida was the flow of Latin American immigrants to the area and suggested that a cutback in immigration would kill Spanish fluency in Miami within a generation.
Second-generation Americans do not need legislation to encourage them to

learn English. Most of them will reach adulthood unable to communicate

effectively in any other language.

Gainesville, Fla., Aug. 2, 1996

The writer is a staff attorney at the Center for Governmental Responsibility,

University of Florida.

The New York Times
April 22, 1997, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 20; Column 6; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Don't Blame Social Studies for History's Demise;

Rigorous Standards

To the Editor:
In "The Past Is Not a 'Process' " (Op-Ed, April 20), Sean Wilentz champions a more demanding history curriculum in American public schools and claims that social studies has outlived its usefulness as a subject. However, the social studies movement is not necessarily incompatible with tougher state standards in history. Thirty years ago, when Mr. Wilentz and I were students at Brooklyn's Midwood High School, we learned our history lessons in rigorous classes that were known by faculty and students alike only as social studies.

Gainesville, Fla., April 20, 1997

The New York Times
June 3, 1997, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 22; Column 6; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Gay Couples' Rights
To the Editor:
Alex Joseph ("I Want a Real Wedding, Too," Op-Ed, May 31) errs when he says that two gay men "cannot legally adopt children or even leave property to one another in their wills."
Gay men and lesbians can adopt children in all states except Florida and New Hampshire, and legal challenges to those two bans are under way.
A growing number of states, including New York, now recognize second-parent adoptions by the partners of gay fathers and lesbian mothers.
And while laws do not currently provide for automatic inheritance by same-sex spouses, individuals making wills can and do ordinarily designate anyone they wish as their heirs.

Locust Valley, N.Y., May 31, 1997

The New York Times
September 14, 1997, Sunday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section 4; Page 14; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Big Tobacco Has Eyed China for a Century
To the Editor:
Re "Selling Cigarettes in Asia" (editorial, Sept. 10): The efforts of

American cigarette manufacturers to hook the Chinese on their products are

nothing new. Until the tobacco magnate James B. Duke led his American Tobacco Company into China a century ago, only a few Chinese, mostly older men, smoked a bitter native tobacco, usually in pipes.
Duke sent experts to Shantung Province with bright leaf from North Carolina to cultivate a milder tobacco. His minions hired "teachers" to walk the streets of villages showing curious Chinese how to light and hold cigarettes. Not only did Duke install the first mechanical cigarette-rolling machines in China, but he also unleashed a panoply of promotional devices.
One involved adorning cigarette packs with pictures of nude American

actresses, which proved to be a big hit with Chinese men. Later, Duke

successfully persuaded President Theodore Roosevelt to get the Chinese

Government to drop its ban on imported cigarettes.


Fort Lauderdale, Fla., Sept. 11, 1997

The writer is an adjunct professor in the department of business and

administration, Nova Southeastern U.

GRAPHIC: Drawing (Geoffrey Grahn)

The New York Times

October 21, 1997, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 26; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Who's a Virtucrat?
To the Editor:
Robert H. Bork argues against banning tobacco and alcohol in the name of

virtuocracy -- "the bureaucratization of personal morality" (Op-Ed, Oct. 17).

But in his books "The Tempting of America" and "Slouching Towards Gomorrah," Mr. Bork has supported laws criminalizing marijuana use and sodomy laws that prohibit private consensual homosexual activity.
As a self-described smoker and social drinker, perhaps Mr. Bork believes

that tobacco and alcohol deserve protections that he would not accord to

marijuana or gay sexuality. But if Mr. Bork is right when he says that we should not treat adults as recalcitrant children, isn't he himself one of the

virtucrats he decries?


Fort Lauderdale, Fla., Oct. 17, 1997

GRAPHIC: Drawing (Eric Hanson)

The New York Times

December 27, 1997, Saturday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 10; Column 6; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: When Mental Illness Disqualifies Candidates;

No Political Liability

To the Editor:
Frank Rich (column, Dec. 23) suggests that no prominent politician would dare admit to seeking psychiatric care. But Lawton Chiles has twice been elected Governor of Florida after revealing that as a United States Senator in 1987, he sought medical treatment for depression. Senate doctors referred Mr. Chiles to an Army psychiatrist who prescribed an antidepressant.
Although questions were raised about Mr. Chiles's mental health during the 1990 campaign for governor, he was elected handily and re-elected in 1994.

Fort Lauderdale, Fla., Dec. 23, 1997

The New York Times
February 18, 1998, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 20; Column 5; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Courts Can't End Veto Debate;

New York's Penalty

To the Editor:
Neal Devins and Michael Fitts (Op-Ed, Feb. 16) argue that the Supreme Court should vacate a Federal judge's ruling that the line item veto is

unconstitutional because they believe the issue is not yet "ripe" for judicial

review and that time is needed to sort out the impact of the new law.
But the basic rationale of the doctrine of ripeness is to prevent the

courts, through avoidance of premature adjudication, from entangling themselves in abstract disagreements over administrative policies.

The issue in the line item veto case is no abstract disagreement. New York

would have had to pay back to the Federal Government hundreds of millions of dollars because of President Clinton's use of the veto to cancel a provision to preserve the state's Medicaid plan. It is unfair to ask New York to suffer a

financial loss so that the high court can take a few years to observe how the

line item veto works in practice before rendering a final verdict.


Fort Lauderdale, Fla., Feb. 16, 1998

The New York Times

June 11, 1998, Thursday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 30; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Ban Cars, Not Carts, On New York Streets
To the Editor:
Fred I. Kent 3d and Andrew G. Schwartz (Op-Ed, June 6) argue that street

vendors in New York should be encouraged because the decline of street-level coffee shops, bars and cafeterias has made a quick, cheap lunch hard to find in parts of Manhattan. But these establishments have largely been replaced by fast-food restaurants like McDonald's, Burger King, Wendy's and Pizza Hut, which have locations all over Manhattan. Moreover, many delis and grocery stores feature takeout salad bars and sandwiches.

Street vendors may be an asset to New York, but they are hardly the only

purveyors of quick, cheap lunches.


Mesa, Ariz., June 6, 1998

The New York Times
October 13, 1999, Wednesday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 24; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Let Vice Presidents Run Solo
To the Editor:
It astonishes me that Vice President Al Gore's advisers have not suggested

the simplest, most effective way to distance himself from the Clinton

Administration (news article, Oct. 11). With a little more than a year until the November 2000 general election and only about 15 months remaining in his term, Mr. Gore should resign as Vice President to devote himself full time to his Presidential candidacy.
Not only would Mr. Gore achieve his goal of distancing himself from

President Clinton, he could also give up his Washington address and move full time to Nashville, where he has relocated his campaign.


Davie, Fla., Oct. 11, 1999

The New York Times
November 21, 1999, Sunday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section 6; Page 24; Column 3; Magazine Desk
HEADLINE: A Minority of One

As an idealistic undergraduate at the City University of New York, I

volunteered to work in Herman Badillo's 1973 mayoral campaign. So I was outraged to read in James Traub's article (Oct. 31) that "Badillo doesn't regret a syllable" of his bigoted remarks, in which, among other things, he referred to Hispanic immigrants as "Incas and Mayas who are, you know, five feet tall with straight hair."
I am not ashamed to have worked for the Herman Badillo of 1973, but only because I believe that the man I knew back then would be ashamed of his 1999 self.

Davie, Fla.

The New York Times
January 15, 2000, Saturday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 16; Column 5; Editorial Desk
LENGTH: 158 words
HEADLINE: Attica Reparations
To the Editor:
A Jan. 9 letter writer suggests that part of the $12 million settlement for

the inmates beaten and tortured in the 1971 Attica prison uprising go to the

victims of the crimes that caused the prisoners to be jailed in the first place.
I am puzzled by this proposal. Tort law seeks to provide reimbursement to

members of society who suffer losses because of the dangerous or unreasonable conduct of others. I fail to see how the crime victims were affected at all by state officials' actions at Attica.

The Attica inmates were sentenced to incarceration, not assault and battery, for their crimes against society. If they are now out of prison, their debt to society and to their victims has already been paid. Giving a part of the settlement fund to the crime victims of the inmates would confound public policy by unjustly enriching people who suffered no harm at Attica.

Davie, Fla., Jan. 9, 2000

The New York Times
June 5, 2000, Monday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 28; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: Summer Squall in Southampton
To the Editor:
Re "Summer Residents Want Year-Round Voice" (front page, May 30):
It is understandable that the wealthy seasonal residents of the Hamptons and other resort communities want a voice in local taxation issues. But it would be unfair to allow them to vote in local elections in two communities. Americans long ago abandoned property qualifications for voting, in favor of the principle of one person one vote.
Rich people with a Manhattan apartment and a Southampton house should choose one of those locations as their voting residence. Otherwise, their wealth will give them two votes and represent not them but their property.

Apache Junction, Ariz., May 30, 2000

The New York Times

October 1, 2000, Sunday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section 4; Page 14; Column 4; Editorial Desk
LENGTH: 148 words
HEADLINE: California's Freeway to Learning
To the Editor:
Re "California Makes College an Entitlement," by Abigail Thernstrom (Op-Ed, Sept. 26):
If Ms. Thernstrom wishes to raise academic standards, she is not helping

with her comment that "a B is hardly a bang-up grade."

When I was an undergraduate in the 1970's, I was quite happy with a B, which I felt reflected solid achievement if not excellence. But as a college

instructor, I have found that students have come to see the once-honorable B as a badge of shame. Just today, a composition student came up to me after class to complain that the B-plus I'd given her on a competent but not outstanding essay was the lowest grade she'd ever received. Ms. Thernstrom's comments only contribute to the mind-set that good, solid work always merits an A.


Mesa, Ariz., Sept. 26, 2000

The writer teaches English at Arizona State University.

The New York Times

August 31, 2002, Saturday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 14; Column 6; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: When Families Call A Jail Their Home
To the Editor:
Re "The Wrong Shelter" (column, Aug. 29):
Bob Herbert is correct that the Bronx House of Detention for Men should not be used as a shelter for homeless families with children.
But until city officials come up with a plan to end using the jail as a

homeless shelter, they should at least do what many volunteers at homeless

shelters have done: spend a night with the residents.
From Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg on down, city officials should take turns joining the New York families in the jail. This gesture would at least in part undo the message to children in the Bronx House of Detention that they are there because they have done something wrong.

Davie, Fla., Aug. 29, 2002

The New York Times
January 31, 2003, Friday, Late Edition - Final
SECTION: Section A; Page 28; Column 4; Editorial Desk
HEADLINE: When College Breaks the Bank
To the Editor:
It is unfortunate that some college graduates, burdened by student loan

repayments, feel that they must delay or forgo additional education (front page, Jan. 28).

But loan payments can be deferred while attending graduate or professional school or even going back for a second bachelor's degree in an additional field.
Indeed, I know many adults who have become perennial students, taking six credits a semester in various graduate programs, so that they can keep deferring payments. One friend has collected one master's degree after another, joking that she will probably end up as the most educated resident of an assisted living facility, paying her loans out of her pension and Social Security checks.

Davie, Fla., Jan. 28, 2003

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